The Statesman - Lee Kuan yew

A VERY BRIGHT STUDENT, he was nevertheless "not unduly studious" and "rather mischievous," wrote one teacher. Another proved as shrewd a judge of character as Lee Kuan Yew himself would be. The young teenager, he predicted, would "do unusually well. He is likely to attain a high place in life." Even in his graying years, the founding prime minister of Singapore wields the kind of influence any leader would wish for his zenith. He is regarded as virtually a national institution at home -- a busy, ramshackle port city transformed since 1959 into a wealthy, confident nation. Governments elsewhere solicit his advice on development, and his insights on a changing world, particularly the rise of Asia, are widely respected.

Lee's intellect and energy shaped bold -- and often uncompromising -- responses to the challenges of wresting rule from the British and building a nation. After his socialist People's Action Party was formed in 1954, it allied itself with communists to fight the colonial government; later the PAP crushed its partners of convenience. On an island whose only natural resource was its 2 million people, Lee took a pragmatic approach to development. This was especially so after Chinese-majority Singapore was ejected from Malaysia in 1965, an event that brought rare, bitter tears from the PM. Independent Singapore was a historical accident, he said later, and "I have a duty to make sure it works."

It did, businessmen quickly found. Socialism appeared vibrant as the PAP built highrise housing for a largely squatter population, but Lee saw no future in the handout -- "Give a man a gold coin, and he will spend it and ask for more" -- and eventually dumped the ideology. Now most Singaporeans own their own homes. The PAP pointed to the "British disease" in warning Singaporeans about the slippery slope of state welfarism. Other countries provided different lessons (Japan and the U.S. on the economy; Switzerland for multiracialism) as Lee explained each much-researched policy turn -- as well as the easier option and likely unhappy result.

"My values are for government which is honest, effective and efficient in protecting its people and allowing opportunity for all," said Lee, who left the premiership in 1990 and became Senior Minister. Indeed, Singapore has all but eliminated corruption in government. This, combined with its efficiency and a skillful workforce, have made the place irresistible to high-value investment. Wealthier per head than Britain and Australia, Singapore has broken the "rule" that richer nations slow down: it keeps notching up superior growth rates. Citizens are urged to buy shares.

It is not just a capitalist success. Lee, 71, has fashioned Singapore along Confucianist lines. The ideal: a strongly led society that is committed to high moral standards in governance, emphasizes scholarship, and cherishes the family as its "building block." Traditionally, the leadership of such a society could expect to be overthrown if it failed to live up to its lofty calling. The PAP has regular early-warning exercises: in winning all nine of Singapore's general elections, it can count a few clean sweeps.

Lee was born into a family with hardy Hakka roots. At age 19 his studies were interrupted by the Japanese invasion; he was a translator-editor for the occupiers. After the war he took law at Cambridge, where he scored a double first. In between studies he courted law student Kwa Geok Choo, and back in Singapore they wed. They were co-founders of the law firm, Lee & Lee. The Lees have two sons and a daughter. Eldest son Lee Hsien Loong is deputy prime minister, one of the second-generation leaders to whom Lee and his cohorts have handed over power.

Multilingual like Singapore, Lee speaks good Malay as well as several Chinese tongues. After 1965, he set to forging a national identity among Chinese, Malays and Indians. Lee had dealt with eruptions of Chinese chauvinism and communal strife in 1961 and 1964, and issued stern warnings about where loyalties must lie. There were reminders, too, on religion's place: outside politics. Lately, national cohesion has been served more by patriotic songs and campaigns on social habits.

Lee didn't brook any behavior or habit deemed anti-social. Early on, long-haired youths got trimmed by order; unshorn travelers were barred. Crime is dealt with severely. In the 1960s, a triad gang problem was ended quickly when suspects were detained without trial. In recent years, scores of drug offenders have been hanged. Last year's caning sentence on an American student for vandalism was reduced by two strokes when President Bill Clinton intervened.

Countries need discipline more than democracy, Lee has said. He has sued political opponents and imposed restrictions on the press. He once said: "Everybody knows if I say we are going in a certain direction . . . if you set out to block me, I will take a bulldozer and clear the obstruction." Yet Lee has always provoked Singaporeans to think about issues. One idea he has floated is to replace "one-man, one-vote" with a system giving two votes to some, partly according to age. Lee concedes it will be "difficult to arrange," but given his extraordinary record, who would rule it out?